(Part 2 will be posted at a later date)
"Nothing...has...changed," retired Lt. Colonel Vadim Fersovich said in his measured english as we stood in the courtyard of an Afghan house converted into a US Marine Patrol base.
"Nothing," he said again to emphasize his point.
Vadim served in Helmund province, Afghanistan from 1986 to 1989 with the Soviet Spetznas Brigade in Lashkargah, one of the main cities in Helmund Province.
Afghanistan has not changed, the Afghan people have not changed and the young men and young officers who fight are of the same mold. What is different from Soviet times to now is the organization of the military and civillian forces.
"The military, was strictly military," Vadim said. "We did not engage in political or civil activities."
The US Marines take the exact opposite approach, hosting large gatherings of local leaders on Camp Hansen, the headquarters of 2nd Battalion, 8th Marines like the Mullah Shura they hosted on April 19th.
More than 200 Muslim religious leaders, called Mullahs, came in the back
gate of Camp Hansen to the Civil Military Operations Center or CMOC
where they sat in a carpet floored tent drinking bottled water and
eating Clif bars or oatmeal cookies. The Mullahs were invited to listen
to the Afghan National Army, influential Mullahs cooperating with the
Marines and US Navy Chaplains make a case that seems more obvious to
westerner than a local resident of Marja--that Afgahn Army soldiers are
indeed Muslims.
"When we first came here we discovered that among the local population
many believed that the ANA are not muslims at all," said Navy Lt.
Commander Nathan Solomon, the Chaplain for the Marine Battalion. "They
spoke a different language, Dari, instead of Pasthoo. They dressed
differently, they lived with the Marines. The locals never saw them
going to a mosque to pray. They never heard the call of the muzzien."
The Marja area of Helmund province is an irrigated desert. In the 1950s
and 1960s westerners worked on the Helmund River project to build damns
and irrigation canals. The vast canal network has turned the river
valley into winding island of green in an ocean of rough brown dirt.
Camp Hansen itself is said to be on the same site as a compound that
housed US engineers and advisors. The local crops are wheat and opium
poppies.
To the eye, the terrain resembles the fertile Euphrates river valley in
Iraq, the only give away being the architecture. In Iraq many of the
houses were built with concrete and rebar. In Marja brown mud-brick is
still the primary construction material, the mud-brick houses are almost
all surrounded by a mud-brick wall..
In his book "Afghanistan" Louis Dupree, the foremost expert on
Aghanistan in his time and any, wrote that the mud wall was as much a
metaphorical and psychological barrier as a physical barrier that is
common to most all third world areas. To those in power, the Mullahs,
the heads of families, the land owning Khans and local strongmen, change
represents a threat to current order and their power. Humans the world
over are resistant to change if for no other reason than we are
comfortable with the status quo because we understand it.
As Dupree describes it, Westerners when first making contact with a
village will not be allowed to talk to the true leader of the clan or
family.
"I do not think that man is in charge," Vadim said as a squad of Marines
from Golf Company walked back to their combat outpost after a talking
to a group of men who had finished evening prayers at a mosque.
One of the purposes of the patrol was to gauge support for and spread
the word about a school being opened in an area of Marja called Trek
Nawa.
"The best time to meet with the men is here, right after prayers," said 1st Lieutenant Geoffrey Smith.
In the fading sunlight, the Marines talked with the local men until they
brought forth a little man with a long gray beard who could have been
between 60 and 90 years old.
Dupree writes that often an old man, a former Malik or gray beard will
be offered up. Only after multiple contacts will a Westerner from the
military or a aide group meet the real authority in the village.
Through an Afghan interpreter, Lt. Smith told the old man about the school and asked if his family would send their children.
"We will send them if the children of every other village go," the old man said.
The conversation went on like that for 10 minutes.
"It is like that with the Arbaki and just about everything else," Smith
said. Arbaki are local village defense militias organized and trained
by the Marines. "No one wants to be the first. No one here wants to
stand alone."
It could also be that the Marines of Golf Company were not talking to a
man of any real authority. They can hope though that the men of that
village group will give the message to the real leader but often they do
not.
In Vadim's time here, the Soviets rarely went to speak to an Afghan
family or tribal leader unilaterally. If there was a meeting between
Soviet officers and a tribal leader, it was set up by the Afghan Army,
or the KhAD, Afghanistan's intelligence service.
"It is very difficult to know who is really in charge," Vadim said.
One of the local tribal leaders in Golf Company's area is Hadji Qatar.
He was one of the first to do the handshake with the Marines. He stood
up a the first group of Arbaki, local defense forces to provide
protection for a market. He also provides old fashioned racketeering
style protection and loan sharking. He will loan a shopkeeper enough
money to buy some initial inventory with little regard for the Islamic
ban on usury and charge "rent" on top of that.
Recently the Marines granted contract to somone outside Qatar's network
and the Arkbaki commander Toor Jan pressured him for a cut of the action
until the Marines stepped in, reminding him who the strongest tribe
really is.
The Marines would prefer to work with more savory characters, but in Afghanistan you have to deal with who you can.
The most difficult mission for the Marines will be to overcome the mud
wall, the quick meetings with men after evening prayers, the Mullah
Shura--getting the Mullahs to understand that the Afghan Army soldiers
are Muslims and Afghans-- and every conversation is a step in chipping
away the wall.
"The situation is totally different," Vadim said. "The Afghan
Government, maybe the Afghan army would hold a Shura like this. Maybe
there would be Soviet political officers or development technicians, but
in my experience regular officers would not take part in Shuras."
Twenty-five years ago when Vadim served here the Afghan government, the
Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA), was much stronger than the
current Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (GIROA) headed
by Karzai. By the late 1980's, when he served in Helmund province, the
DRA and Afghan Army was in charge, with the Soviet military in a
supporting role and a purely military role at that.
The current operating model of US counter insurgency is for the
military to engage in multiple lines of operation from combat operations
to seek out, locate and engage the Taliban, to funding development
projects like schools and irrigation improvements.
NATO and the Marines are using a different system than the Soviets
used. Ten years in to the struggle here, the question is whether the
ultimate outcome will be any different.
"The system...has...changed," Vadim said, referring to the Government
of Afghanistan and the US military.. "Not, Afghanistan. Afghanistan,
never changes."
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| 1st Lt. Geoffrey Smith and members of the Female Engagement Team. |
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| Members of the Marine Female Engagement Team discuss schooling for girls in Trek Nawa. |
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| Lt. Col. Vadim Fersovich, a retired Soviet Spetznas/GRU officer talks about the Taliban era with some residents. His Pashto is rusty, but bettter than most Marines |
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| Your humble correspondent in his "office" editing a report for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. |
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| Opium poppies, which will play a large role in my next report. |
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